Glossary

Glossary


Shame is the intensely painful feeling or experience of believing we are flawed and therefore unworthy of acceptance and belonging.

Shame Resilience is the ability to recognize shame when we experience it, and move through it in a constructive way that allows us to maintain our authenticity and grow from our experiences.

Empathy The act of perceiving, understanding, experiencing, and responding to the emotional state and ideas of another person.

Cultural Competence is the ability to engage in actions or create conditions that maximize the optimal development of client and client system.
Stereotypes may be defined as rigid preconceptions we hold about all people who are members of a particular group, whether it be defined along racial, religious, sexual, or other lines.

Immigrants are defined as those individuals who depart their country of origin voluntary in search of better economic and living arrangements.

Immigrant one who has moved to and intends to reside permanently in another country.
Undocumented immigrants (more commonly referred to as “illegal aliens”) are those individuals who enter this country without proper (legal) documentation, and have done so for reasons similar to those who are in this country as immigrants.The term illegal alien is insidious and places the undocumented into a criminal category, and unjustifiably so.

Immigrant Visa An authorization grated by the U.S. Department of State or the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Service (CIS) to applicants to reside in the United States. A person with an immigrant visa may be given a permanent resident card, also known as a green card.

Green Card The name commonly used for the registration card issued by the U.S. government that identifies the holder as a permanent U.S. resident who is a citizen of another nation. The card (no longer green), which is issued by the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services, I officially U.S. Government Form I-551, “Alien Registration
Recipient.”

Immigration Appeals Board A quasi-judicial tribunal to hear appeals about judgments made in lower-court deportation cased or involving legal denials of visa petitions. The U.S. Attorney General appoints and empowers the board.

Immigration Quotas U.S. federal laws that determined the proportion of people from each country who were allowed to become residents, thus making it easier for Europeans to immigrate than for people of Asia, Latin America, or Africa.

Mexican American A resident of the United States whose parents or ancestors are from Mexico.

“mica” Slang term used especially in Latin American communities for green card or permanent resident card.

Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act U.S. federal legistation (P.L. 97-470) enacted in 1983 to protect migrant farm workers from unfair labor practices or working, living, or housing conditions that are unhealthy or unsafe. The law also requires employers to inform workers, in writing, of their rights, their wages and benefits, and the length and terms of their employment.

Migrant Laborer A worker who travels from place to place to take short-term or seasonal jobs, such as those in agriculture and construction.


Chicano A term sometimes used to describe American citizens of Mexican birth or ethnic heritage. Some Mexican Americans dislike the term because of its identification with political agitation and civil rights activism.

Wetback is a derogatory term for a person that has immigrated illegally to the United States. Commonly referring to Mexicans and people who may have crossed the border illegally, the term is based on the presumption that the person in question swam or waded across the Rio Grande to get into the United States, getting his or her back wet in the process.








Reference:

Barker, R. L. (2003). The social work dictionary. (5th ed.). Baltimore, MD: Port City
Press.
Brown, B. (2007). I Thought It Was Just Me: Telling the truth about perfectionism,
inadequacy and power. New York: Penguin Group (USA) Inc.

An Interview With Dr. Rodriguez

A Conversation on Immigration and Shame with Dr. Nestor Rodriguez a Professor of Sociology at the University of Houston
by Dana Guzman, MSW Student at the University of Houston

I had the opportunity to interview Dr. Nestor Rodriquez on June 11, 2008. Dr. Rodriguez agreed to share his knowledge on the topic of immigration. He is an immigration researcher and professor. Here is information on some important issues surrounding immigration.

Dana: What are general perceptions from immigrants without valid documentation?
Dr. Rodriguez: Many people who come here without a visa clearly understand that they are here without a visa and therefore are illegal or (ilegal). In my own research, people that are here without authorization (see themselves or classify themselves as being illegal) do not necessary translate this into being criminal. People make a distinction between an infraction such as crossing the border without a visa, which is a misdemeanor, and doing criminal behavior which is injurious or very serious. People without legal documentation may see it more as an infraction like when you are speeding on the freeway or overstay at a parking meter. Someone may have committed an infraction but they will probably not go home feeling like a criminal.

Dana: Are there any common Stereotypes about immigrants (with or without valid documentation)?
Dr. Rodriguez: There are of course stereotypes given out through the media or by groups that have anti-immigrant agendas. Most common is that immigrants come here to get on welfare. There are laws (especially the 1996 Immigration Act) that excludes immigrants from everything except emergency services. A long list of stereotypes include that they come here to get on welfare, commit crimes or just about what immigrants are supposed to be doing here.

Dana: What does the research say about what immigrants are doing here in the United States?
Dr. Rodriguez: In any population you find a percentage that is deviant, obviously you might find some immigrants who have this behavior. People who really specialize in deviance and immigration find that the most serious crimes tend to go down in areas where there are more immigrants. This does not surprise me because immigrant concentrations or neighborhoods have many family units. The family unit is a major source of normative behavior especially when family leaders are promoting family values.

Dana: Can immigrants experience shame?
Dr. Rodriguez: I have not had any immigrants come to me and say that they felt shame. Most of the time people talk about not being recognized for the sacrifices they made to come here. Shame may come more from discrimination. For example, discrimination on Mexican/Latino people may cause them to conceal their identities. You can find shame at times among the young children of immigrants. I have teachers in my classes that tell me that they have children in their classes who have parents from Mexico, for example, that express shame about being originally from Mexico. They put Mexico down in the classroom and they say that they don’t want to go to Mexico because it is such a dirty place. There you begin to detect shame because it is a reaction to a stigma that you are an immigrant or Mexican. Sociologically, it is a reaction to a stigma. Shame is what people try to put you through and it is an assumption. It is a way to control, punish, exclude, or regulate you. People then react with certain behaviors to cope with the stigma of being Mexican.

Interviewing First Generation Immigrant

Our group member Annie Chan conducted an interview with a first generation immigrant, i.e. a person who is first in a family line to be born in the new country. The interview aimed at exploring possible shame triggers and shame handling patterns of first generation immigrants. Script of the interview as follows.

Annie: I'm studying shame and the importance of developing shame resilience. I'd like to know your experience as a first generation immigrant (first in a family line to be born in the new country). First of all, would you please tell me briefly about your first generation identity?

Steve: Chinese-Canadian, 28-year-old male. My parents immigrated to Canada from China 33 years ago.

Annie: In my class, our definition of shame includes feeling excluded, inadequate or diminished. Have you ever experienced shame as a first generation immigrant? If so, why and how?

Steve: My Chinese name. I felt awkward with it being used around people with "normal" western names, so I had changed it 23 years ago.

Annie: Are there any stereotypes or labels that contribute to your feeling of shame?

Steve: Racial slurs, such as “chink”, but they are very rare.

Annie: When you experience shame, how do you deal with it?

Steve: I hide it and try to forget about it. It usually works. Sometimes I react with anger.

Annie: Shame resilience theory (Brown, 2006) proposed that we can develop healthy, constructive ways to deal with shame. That include recognizing shame and its triggers, reality-checking of myths and stereotypes, sharing our stories, and experiencing empathy from others. What do you think of these shame resilience factors? Do you think they would be helpful for dealing with the feeling of shame? Do you have any concerns applying these factors?

Steve: Recognizing shame would be a good thing, but one of my concerns would be bringing up topics that are very sensitive that the person wants to keep within. I might be concerned as to how different people react to having these feelings coming back out, or having them shared with others.

Annie: Do you have any questions or suggestions?

Steve: Anonymity would be very crucial in sharing these feelings. If there were a meeting where everyone is sharing their experiences of shame, maybe have each person sit behind a desk where they cannot be seen until they're comfortable to come out in front of everyone. A blog would actually be a good tool for sharing shame experiences and seeking empathy as it would provide that type of anonymity.

Annie: Thank you for your suggestion. My classmates and I will develop a blog as a group project for this class. The goal of this blog is to increase empathy, compassion and shame resilience around the topic of immigration. I'll inform you when our blog is ready. I hope our blog will be of useful for you and the public. Thank you for sharing your experience and your precious time!

The Crossing

The Crossing
Before the 1850's immigrants from Europe came by sailing ships. The length of the crossings varied according to the winds, tides, and other factors. The estimates for crossings under sail range anywhere from four to twenty-four weeks with an average trip of 8 weeks.
Later ships, still under sail but fitted with paddle wheels and steam engines, took about six weeks.
Steamships started crossing the Atlantic in 1850. The length of a voyage from Bremen to New York by steamer took about seventeen days. By the mid-1860's most immigrants were coming by steamer. However, up until the 1870's many people still traveled by sail. Steam ships up until WWI took 2 to 3 weeks. By 1920 the trip across the ocean took one to two weeks.
The overwhelming majority of immigrants traveled in steerage where there was no lighting and passenger were packed in as tightly as space would allow. Steerage passengers had to provide their own bedding. Each passenger got a berth that was 18 inches wide by 6 feet long. The berths were often in tiers up to four rows high. Frequently they were poorly build and rickety. Men and women who were strangers to each other before the start of the journey were berthed together. In 1852 a new law required that men be berthed separately.
The trip was not a dry one. Water seeped into the steerage through holes that were supposed to be for ventilation. Most passengers were sea sick the first few days out and only in rough weather afterwards. It was impossible to come on deck in bad weather. The hatches would be battened down and passengers in steerage would have to remain below in the dark and rocking ship. There was on average one toilet for every hundred passengers. Frequently the toilet was on deck, where they could not be reached in rough weather. In high seas they were sometimes washed overboard. Because of the close quarters in which they lived, passengers often suffered from illnesses like trench mouth, body ulcers, and lice. Conditions were frightful. Immigrant ships were recognized by the smell.
Early ships were often called "coffin ships" because of the frightful conditions and the numbers of people who died during the crossings. In 1847, 1,879 immigrants died on the voyage to New York. Eventually government supervision of sanitation regulations improved conditions.
While French and British shipping companies made their passengers cook their own meals, German shipping companies provided meals for their steerage passengers. The menu: Sunday---salt meat, meal pudding and prunes. Monday--- salt bacon, pea soup and potatoes. Tuesday---salt meat, rice and prunes. Wednesday---smoked bacon, sauerkraut, and potatoes. Thursday---salt meat, potatoes and bean soup. Friday---Herring, meal and prunes. Saturday---salt bacon, pea soup and potatoes.
The principle ports from Germany were Bremen (later Bremerhaven), Hanover, and Hamburg. In the early 19th century Le Havre was also a major port of embarkation for many Germans. Others used a complicated but competitively priced route form Holland to England, crossing England by rail and embarking at Liverpool.
Ships carried cotton, tobacco and timber on the eastward journey and human cargo on the westward journey.

Leaving Home

Leaving Home
A the shipping trade developed most of the cargoes going from America to Europe were bulky - lumber, raw wool, tobacco, etc. Cargoes from Europe to America were lighter - finished cloth, spices, etc. Consequently, the shipping companies found themselves with cargo space on the west bound voyage. The solution was to carry human cargo and the major companies advertised their fares in many cities and towns throughout Europe.
The first step was getting from the village or town of origin to a major port. This leg of the journey was often done on foot. Once the port was reached a potential emigrant may have spent some time in the port area before actually shipping out. Major ports were: Bremerhaven and Hanover in Germany, Liverpool in England, Queenstown in Ireland, Naples in Italy, La Havre in France. Contrary to what might be expected not all Germans went out of the German ports. Some took passage to Liverpool or Queenstown and left from there. Conversely some Irish and English left from the German ports.
Consequently, the first step of the journey could take quite some time.

Immigration

Immigration
Everyone in America came from somewhere else. Even the "native" American's ancestors immigrated from Asia, possibly across the Bering Strait. Admittedly they immigrated thousands of years ago, and were here long before the European immigrants, but they immigrated non-the-less.
Most people left their homelands and immigrated to America (or to anywhere, for that matter) for one (or more) of three reasons:
Adventure
Better opportunities in the new land
To escape religious or political persecutionThe Spanish conquistadors left Spain in search of adventure and most of them did not originally intend to settle in America. Many had homes and families in Europe and their voyages to America were intended to be for limited periods of time. The immigrants who came on the Mayflower were looking for greater religious freedom and they came with the intention of settling. Jewish immigrants fled persecution in Germany and Russia.

Acculturation

Research That Matters (January 17 - 20, 2008)
Governor's Room (Omni Shoreham)
Acculturation and Challenges of First Generation Immigrant Muslim Youth
M. Taqi Tirmazi, MSW, Howard University, Fariyal Ross-Sheriff, PhD, Howard University, and Soleman H. Abu-Bader, PhD, Howard University.
Purpose: Literature on immigrant youth suggests that acculturation and adaptation to American society is extremely stressful for youth. Berry, Phinney, Vedder and Sam (2006), Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco (2001), and Rumbaut and Portes (2001) suggest that immigrant youth face acculturative stress in adapting to schools, neighborhoods, mosques, work place, and conflicts at home. These challenges result in difficulties in personal and social settings including intergenerational conflicts, school performance and identity challenges (Al-Johr, 2005; Barazangi, 1996; Hodge, 2002; and Ross-Sheriff and Husain, 2001). However, there is paucity in the research literature addressing the acculturation and adaptation of immigrant Muslim youth. The purpose of this study was to develop an understanding about the acculturation experiences of first generation immigrant Muslim youth. Four major objectives were: 1) to identify challenges faced by Muslim youth; 2) to ascertain strategies youth utilize to adapt to the challenges they face; 3) to describe their specific acculturation patterns, which are assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization; and 4) to explore their overall experience at home, school, and society.
Methods: The study employed a mixed methods approach using a self administered survey and two focus groups. The survey comprised of questions on demographic information, educational achievements, religiosity and the Vancouver Index of Acculturation. Using purposive sampling, the study recruited forty first generation Muslim youth in the Los Angeles Metropolitan area. Twenty four of the forty participants voluntarily took part in two focus groups. The interview guide for the focus groups consisted of questions on challenges faced by youth, their preferences for socializing, and their strategies for dealing with stress.
Results: The data from the self-administered survey was analyzed using SPSS. The sample youth were between the ages of 13 and 19, with a mean age of 15.33. Almost all of the youth were living in two parent households. They had high levels of English proficiency and religiosity. The youth in the current research had high scores on both their host North American culture and on the ethnic culture of origin, which suggests that they are integrated into society. They were no statistically significant differences in the acculturation patterns between males and females.
Focus group data was electronically recorded and field notes were taken by a co-facilitator. The data from the focus groups was transcribed and key themes were brought to light using ATLAS.ti. Data from the focus groups suggest that youth utilize various strategies to socialize into their religious and ethnic culture through Muslim schools, peers, family, Mosques, and traveling back to their country. Their peers and media played a major role in their acculturation into American society. There were differences in future expectation, freedom, and responsibilities for male and female youth.
Implications: This study provides research based knowledge from the perspectives of youth on the challenges they face, the way they navigate the host American culture of their peers, education system, and the ethnic culture of their family and religious community. The findings suggest development of culturally sensitive programs for immigrant Muslim youth and future research with this population.